Austro-Prussian and Austro-Italian wars. Austro-Italian war at sea: creation of armored forces Austro-Italian theater of operations

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This article is being posted on the website for the 150th anniversary of the Battle of Lisse.

Politics and causes of war

The fifties and sixties of the 19th century became a time of consolidation of the peoples of Europe into separate nations within single national states. Where these processes began and proceeded under more favorable conditions, the positive result of unity was already clearly visible in the form of stable economic development and growth in the well-being of nations. For the small fragmented state formations of Italy and Germany, due to historical, political and economic reasons, unification within the framework of a common state became possible only after the turbulent era of the Napoleonic wars and revolutions.

The rapid development of the Prussian economy gave the “iron” Chancellor Otto von Bismarck sufficient funds and material resources to begin unifying the disparate German lands under the rule of the Prussian king. Opponents of such a unification were the ruling dynasties of small German states, who did not want to lose power over “their” hereditary lands. Since even the largest and strongest of them could not resist Prussia on their own, they saw the Austrian Empire as a natural support. Austria, being a German state, like Prussia, claimed a leading role in unifying the nation. However, since Austria was a multinational state with many internal problems, in which German speakers themselves were a minority, the emperors of the Habsburg dynasty did not have any special opportunities for active action. But the Austrians did not want to simply observe the actions of their rivals.

Another significant force on the road to a German national state was the French Empire of Napoleon III Bonaparte. France was already straining all its forces in the struggle for world leadership and new colonies with Great Britain in order to allow the emergence of a new powerful and aggressive state on its eastern border. Napoleon III was full of the imperial ambitions of his great ancestor, but in personal merit he was very far from him. Great Britain, although it had its own interests in the issue of German unification, preferred to adhere to its common policy of non-interference in continental affairs - “brilliant isolation”.

In 1864, Austria and Prussia entered into an alliance in a war against Denmark for the German provinces of the Danish kingdom - Schleswig and Holstein. For Austria, such actions were the last attempt to limit the unilateral actions of Prussia. For Prussia, this was a great diplomatic victory for Bismarck, who managed to solve some of his problems with the wrong hands. Having defeated Denmark, the allies divided up new lands. Formally, Schleswig came under the control of Austria, and Holstein came under the control of Prussia. However, the Prussians took vigorous action to include both lands in the German Union of semi-independent German principalities and free cities controlled by them...

The political center of the unification of Italy was the Sardinian kingdom. The Prime Minister of Sardinia, a brilliant diplomat and smart politician, Count Camillo Benzo di Cavour managed to enlist the support of the French Emperor Napoleon III in his struggle for a new united Italy. To maintain the reputation of the Bonaparte dynasty, striking successes in foreign policy were needed. The state did not receive any particular real benefit from the adventures of capturing Mexico and other similar undertakings, but it distracted the attention of the French from internal problems and created the illusion of the power of the Second Empire. Joint participation of France and Sardinia in the Crimean War in 1854-1855. sealed the union.

Since the 16th-17th centuries, the monarchs of the Habsburg dynasty, first on the Spanish and then on the Austrian thrones, managed to conquer or bring under their control the entire territory of Italy, except Sardinia and Rome. In 1859, France and Sardinia, during a short-lived victorious war, took the region of Lombardy from the Austrian Empire in favor of the Sardinian Kingdom. From 1860 to 1862 Count di Cavour included all Italian lands in Sardinia, except Rome and Austrian Venice. Napoleon III did not allow Sardinian troops to occupy Rome and thereby broke the alliance with Sardinia.

Thus, by 1866, in order to finally complete the process of unification of Germany and Italy, it was necessary to eliminate the resistance of Austria. Two young European states have joined forces. Prussian troops occupied Holstein and invaded Bohemia before war was declared. On June 17, 1866, the countries declared that they were at war with each other. On June 20, Italy also declared war on Austria. Before the war began, Bismarck's diplomatic efforts ensured the neutrality of Russia and France.

Prussia's goals were the military defeat of Austria and the removal of obstacles on its part in the unification of German lands around Prussia. As a result of the war, Italy was supposed to annex the Austrian Venetian region. Accordingly, the task of the Austrian Empire was to prevent its defeat and maintain territorial integrity.

War on land

From June 17 to July 26, 1866, Austria, allied with Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg, Hanover and several smaller German states, fought with the troops of Prussia and Italy. The significant organizational and technical superiority of the Prussian army predetermined the course of the war. On June 29, the Hanoverian army was defeated at Langensalza. On July 3, the Austrians were defeated at Sadovaya. The Prussian army came close to Vienna. Having achieved his goals, Bismarck did not want to risk success and was ready to make peace with Austria on favorable terms.

On June 20, superior forces of the Italian army invaded Venice, but on June 24 they were defeated by the Austrians at the Battle of Custozza. Italian losses amounted to up to 10,000 people. The defeat at Sadovaya forced Austria to transfer significant forces to the war with the Prussians. Taking advantage of this, the Italians again went on the offensive, but, with the exception of the units of General Garibaldi, did not achieve significant success.

On July 26, in Nikolsburg, Austria agreed to moderate terms of a preliminary peace treaty with Prussia. Excessive strengthening of Prussia could provoke an invasion by France, and Austria could lose Hungary. Left alone with Austria, Italy agreed to a truce on August 10, and on October 3, according to the Vienna Peace Treaty, it received the Venice region.

Separately, it is worth mentioning the position of Turkey, friendly to Austria, which concentrated significant forces and was ready to enter the war on the side of Austria if the Balkan states attacked the Austrians, or the Italians landed troops on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea.

The war ended in victory for Italy and Prussia. There were no more obstacles on the path to unity.

The role and tasks of the fleet in the war between Italy and Austria

At the time of its power, the Italian Venetian Republic controlled the coast of Croatia and Dalmatia. The Adriatic Sea was the "Venetian lake". Politicians of the young Italian kingdom dreamed of a return to these glorious times. Without a strong and combat-ready fleet, this was impossible to achieve. This became especially clear after in 1849, during the war between Piedmont and Austria, the latter’s fleet saved Venice for the Austrians.

The absence of a common network of land routes for Italy made the sea route the only cheap and fast way of communication. Sea communications along the long Italian coast also required the protection of the navy. Accordingly, the fleet of the Austrian Empire faced similar tasks of protecting against landings and destruction of its transport, merchant and fishing fleet. In fact, the fate of Austrian possessions in the Adriatic depended on dominance in the Adriatic Sea.

Italian Navy

Since 1860, Italy has invested huge amounts of money in the development of the fleet - at the level of 12 million pounds sterling. In 1862, the then Minister of the Navy, Admiral Carlo Pellion di Persano, made a strategic decision for the development of the Italian fleet to abandon the construction of wooden ships as the main force of the fleet and switch to manning battleships. Long-term allied relations with France and the unpreparedness of Italian industry to build armored ships with the necessary haste determined the choice of construction site. Most of the new Italian battleships were designed on the basis of the French ones that had already entered service and were built in the shipyards of the French Empire. In addition, two ships were ordered from the USA as examples of warships of a warring country, and from Great Britain - the largest armored tower ram in the Italian fleet.

Formally, the two strongest Italian ships were wooden armored frigates built by the American company "Webb" from New York - "Re d'Italia" and "Don Luigi Re di Portogallo" (mostly known under the short name "Re di Portogallo"). However, in view poor quality of construction materials and construction, as well as poor seaworthiness, it can be concluded that each of them was not worth the 325,000 pounds sterling paid by the Italian government.The maneuverability of the ships left much to be desired, but this shortcoming was quite common to most of the early ironclads.

The iron two-turret armored ram Affondatore was built in Great Britain at the Harrison shipyard and was considered by the Italians themselves to be the most combat-ready ship in their fleet. During the design and construction, the British tried to make maximum use of the entire experience of the American Civil War. Compared to American low-sided monitors, the builders were able to bring seaworthiness to a level acceptable for the Mediterranean Sea. The ship's disadvantages were the heavier bow due to the heavy turret and bow casemate, and insufficient maneuverability. Two towers of the Captain Kohls system received protection similar to the 5-inch armor belt. The deck was covered with flat armor 2 inches thick.

The next strongest four battleships - Regina Maria Pia, Castelfidardo, San Martino and Ancona - were designed taking into account the design of the French Provence-class ships. The priority in the fulfillment of the Italian order by the French is visible in the timing of the ships' commissioning. Italy received the first three battleships already in 1864, and the French fleet was replenished with three “Provence” only in 1865. The main visual difference was the presence of a pronounced ram on the Italian ships. The hulls of Italian ships, unlike the French prototypes, were made of iron and carried forged iron armor. Good speed was combined with good seaworthiness and maneuverability. Ships of the Regina Maria Pia class formed the homogeneous fast core of the Italian fleet.

The armored corvette Principe di Carignano became the first Italian-built battleship to enter service. In 1866, two more battleships were under construction, which would later enter service as the Messina (1867) and Conte Verde (1871). Initially, all ships in the series were laid down from 1861 to 1863. like wooden steam frigates, but during construction they were redesigned into ironclads. Italy's weak industrial base and lack of experience in warship construction led to long completion times.

The first Italian battleships "Terribile" and "Formidabile" combined small size with good maneuverability. The architecture of the ships built at the French shipyard La Seine clearly shows the influence of the first seaworthy battleship of the French Empire, the Gloire, and the French armored batteries.

The pair Palestro and Varese, designed by the Italian engineer Giuseppe de Luca and built in France at the La Seine shipyard, are sometimes classified as iron-hulled ironclad gunboats or coastal defense ships. They were characterized by low speed and weak weapons with good armor.

In addition to the battleships, there were 7 steam screw frigates and 3 steam screw corvettes, as well as 8 advice notes and 3 gunboats.

While much attention was paid to equipping the fleet with new and fairly successful ships, and significant financial resources were spent, the organization of training and the management structure were completely insufficient. Although the morale of the Italian sailors for the final unification of the nation was quite high, and the rank and file was full of determination, there were major problems in recruiting technical specialists. The mechanics had poor knowledge of the material part, and the steam engines were in poor condition. Since the armored fleet was created from scratch, most of the crews required training and significant practice both in controlling their ship and in acting as part of a squadron. Firing and joint maneuvering exercises were not conducted, although fuel, provisions and ammunition were allocated for this. There was no unity among officers from different, previously independent, regions. Constant conflicts for leadership positions and privileges did not allow the establishment of sufficient discipline even at the level of officers, not to mention ordinary sailors.

At the head of this entire kingdom of anarchy was a good politician, but weak in spirit, indecisive and completely unwilling to risk his position and life, Admiral Carlo Pellion di Persano. The admiral was 59 years old, he served in the Sardinian fleet throughout his adult life: he participated in the Austro-Sardinian War of 1848, the Crimean War of 1854-1855, in 1859 he blocked the Austrian Adriatic, and in 1860 he supported Garibaldi’s actions in Sicily . He didn’t have any special achievements, but he didn’t stain himself with anything. From the point of view of the Italian king, Persano was the only possible leader of the fleet, and this turned out to be the main and insoluble problem.

It must be said that among the Italian officers there were promising people, but in the conditions of the class Sardinian monarchy they had almost no chance of changing the current situation. Undoubtedly, the Italians can be called a nation of seafarers, and before joining the navy, most sailors served as seamen on merchant or fishing vessels. It was not the Italians themselves that were bad, but the political system of the new unified state.

Thus, the undoubted merits of the Italian ships and the great potential of their crews were negated by poor training, discipline and command, and in general the combat effectiveness of the Italian fleet was low.

Austrian Navy

Unlike Italy, where the core of the unification - the Sardinian kingdom - had the glorious naval tradition of the Genoese Republic, the Austrian Empire was always a land state and maintained a fleet in the Adriatic only as necessary to protect its possessions: Venice, Croatia and Dalmatia. This fleet has never been distinguished by its special forces or achievements. However, dominating disunited Italy and bordering on a navally weak Turkey, there was no particular need for a large fleet.

Everything changed with the beginning of Sardinia’s struggle to unite Italian lands under its rule and the threat of the Sardinians or their French allies landing on the Adriatic coast. The fastest and cheapest communication between the possessions of the Habsburgs, as well as the Italians, was by sea and needed protection. The Austrian government in Vienna, far from the sea, needed time to realize this. The lessons of the first wars involving naval forces, starting in 1848, led to the fact that the Austrians first acquired sailing wooden corvettes based on the model ordered in Great Britain, and then rebuilt them into steam propeller ships.

Most likely, this would have been the end of the development of the empire’s fleet, but luck smiled on the Austrians. Archduke (a title used by all members of the Habsburg dynasty) Ferdinand Maximilian of Habsburg was a talented and passionate man of the sea. But most importantly, being the brother of Emperor Franz Joseph I, Ferdinand Max could resolve many issues much faster and more efficiently, bypassing bureaucratic bottlenecks.

Before the outbreak of the wars in Italy, the Austrian fleet was commanded by ethnic Italians from the Venetian region, and its rank and file were recruited from the coastal areas of the Italian possessions, as well as the former Venetian colonies in Dalmatia. The language of communication was Italian. After the War of 1848, the situation changed, and Austrians began to be appointed to command posts, and German became compulsory for naval officers.

To carry out reforms and create a modern, combat-ready fleet, the Danish captain Count Hans Birk von Dahlerup and a number of foreign officers were invited from Denmark to replace the Italians who had left service. In 1854, Archduke Ferdinand Max became the head of the fleet, and Dahlerup was directly subordinate to him. A huge amount of work was done to reorganize the entire fleet, including discipline, training, basing and construction systems. The main thing was the victory over the public opinion of the country, which did not and could not understand the importance of creating a combat-ready fleet.

By 1864, when Ferdinand Max left his post and joined the adventure of Napoleon III's conquest of Mexico, where he died, a healthy atmosphere had been created that allowed talented people to realize their abilities and advance in their careers. Officers and sailors gained practical experience during voyages along the Mediterranean Sea and to the shores of South America.

Another significant achievement was the construction of a fleet at its own national shipyards from its own materials according to the design of the talented Austrian shipbuilding engineer Joseph von Romako. Initially, the Austrians planned to build a fleet based on wooden steam frigates, but the Italians’ order of battleships in France, and then the experience of the first battles of battleships with the outbreak of the American Civil War, forced them to rely on armored ships.

Bypassing the approval of cost estimates by the Reichstag, Ferdinand Max ordered the first pair of battleships from the Trieste shipyard - Salamander and Drache, and the first of them entered service just 15 months after the start of construction. Being in many ways a smaller copy of the French Gloire, these ships became the design standard and served as the basis for the development of their design in the next two series (the Kaiser Max and Archduke Ferdinand Max types). In total, at the beginning of hostilities, 7 wooden steam screw battery armored frigates were in varying degrees of readiness: Drache, Salamander, Kaiser Max, Prinz Eugen, Juan de Austria, Archduke Ferdinand Max and "Habsburg". In addition, the fleet included 1 steam battleship, 5 steam screw frigates and 2 steam corvettes.

The disadvantages of the Austrian battleships were the weakness of steam engines and poor maneuverability, but the ships were built with all possible care from high-quality materials with many design solutions worthy of a separate story. The example of protecting external iron plating and armor from the harmful effects of corrosion and reducing the fire hazard of wooden hulls has become almost a textbook example. The body was covered with a layer of white lead, then covered with thin lead plates and, on top, a layer of rubber. Only then were the excellent armor plates from Styrian factories attached to galvanized bolts. The ships were armed with obsolete smoothbore 48-pounder guns, and the 210 mm steel rifled guns ordered by Krupp were delayed by the Prussian government due to the war.

After the uprising in Venice, the dismissal of Italian officers and reforms, the fleet officers were predominantly Austrians, Germans, Scandinavians and a small number of Italians. The rank and file were recruited from residents of Dalmatia and the Italian regions of Venice and Trieste. The reliability of the sailors was always in question. The situation was saved by the influence of the personality of Admiral Wilhelm von Tegetthoff. Without the reforms of Ferdinand Max, in all likelihood, Austria would not have been able to create a fleet, but without Tegetthof the Austrians would have had little chance of victory.

Tegetthof's family's military traditions led him to military service. The choice fell on the Naval Cadet Corps in Venice. Strict discipline in the family and financial problems fostered the tough, enterprising character of the future admiral. After five years of study, Tegetthof began serving as a midshipman, studied foreign languages ​​and the characteristics of the fleets of France and England; was a nationalist, a supporter of imperial power and the unification of German lands under Austrian rule. After the suppression of the national revolutions of 1848, when the empire almost perished in the flames of national uprisings of Italians, Czechs and Hungarians, the time of growth in ranks began for the German Tegetthof. In 1854, with the rank of lieutenant, he was given command of the schooner Elizabeth. Then service abroad and carrying out secret missions, meeting Archduke Ferdinand Max and appointment in 1857 as head of the department of the naval headquarters. In October 1862, Tegetthof commanded a division of a frigate, a corvette and two gunboats. During this period, his ability to correctly assess the political, economic and military situation and act with the greatest possible efficiency becomes especially important. The leadership notes the desperate courage and resourcefulness of the officer. In 1864, commanding two steam frigates, he distinguished himself in the war of Austria and Prussia against Denmark, managing to withstand the battle against two more powerful Danish frigates and one corvette. After the death of Archduke Ferdinand Max, the admiral had many opponents, mainly because of his temperament and violent disputes with the leadership, which the emperor's brother forgave the talented naval officer. But still, with the deterioration of relations with Italy and Prussia, Tegetthof was appointed commander of the Austrian fleet.

A peculiarity of the organization of the Austrian fleet was that it was not an independent branch of the military, but was structurally part of and subordinate to the ground forces, which had an extremely negative impact on the possibilities of using warships. Knowing nothing about maritime affairs, the land generals tried not to risk ships, which they considered too expensive toys of the late Ferdinand Max. No one wanted to take up such a career-threatening post as commander of the fleet, since it was believed that the Italians could not be defeated at sea, and there was no need to do so. That is why the energetic 47-year-old Tegetthof managed to become the head of the fleet.

Despite his monarchist nationalist views, the Austrian admiral was famous for his fairness, respect for his subordinates without distinction of nationality, and attention to the details of his service. He encouraged personal initiative in every possible way, knew how to listen to other people's opinions and paid great attention to combat and tactical training. Even in conditions of a constant lack of funds for the completion of battleships and the purchase of fuel and ammunition, Tegetthof’s ships maneuvered under steam and sails, conducted firing exercises and tested various tactical battle schemes. On board the flagship battleship "Archduke Ferdinand Max" daily meetings were held and plans for waging war against the Italians were worked out. The struggle with the ground command was no less difficult: the generals believed that it was enough for the fleet to defend key harbors and cover the flank of the army in Venice, while Tegetthof convinced of the possibility of active operations in the Adriatic Sea and the destruction of the Italian fleet in the decisive battle, even despite the almost threefold superiority of the Italians on tonnage and artillery.

Actions of the parties from June 25 to July 19, 1866

As mentioned above, on June 20, 1866, Italian troops invaded the Austrian region of Venice, but on June 24 they were defeated by the Austrians at the Battle of Custozza. On June 25, the Italian fleet made the transition from the base in Taranto to Ancona. Only four battleships were ready for immediate action, while the rest were being repaired, re-equipped, and their crews were intensively trained. On the morning of June 27, Tegetthof's Austrian squadron, consisting of six battleships and one screw frigate, approached Ancona. Di Persano led his four battleships out of the harbor, but, having lost about two hours, did not dare to get closer to the Austrians. Tegetthof's ships went to their shores without firing a single shot. The Austrians won an important moral victory, which inspired and united the Austrian sailors and made the Italians doubt their own commander. After the defeat on land, public opinion in Italy demanded that the country's honor be restored in a naval battle. Admiral di Persano himself probably only wanted the speedy signing of a peace treaty and the end of the war. This conclusion can be drawn from all sorts of excuses and delays that filled the Italian admiral’s entire time.

The events of June 27 are especially interesting from the point of view of the tasks set by the government for the fleets of Italy and Austria. The Italian fleet was entrusted with the task of gaining dominance in the Adriatic Sea by destroying or blockading the enemy fleet. Then he was supposed to destroy the only railway leading along the seashore to Venice and thereby cut off the supply line for the Austrian army. The Austrian fleet was ordered not to take any action that would expose it to any risk. He was supposed to protect the coast of Dalmatia and Istria from enemy landings, but nothing more. As you can see, the admirals took the demands of the leadership exactly the opposite.

Only on July 15, under pressure from the government and the public, did Persano take the Italian fleet into the open sea without any goals, objectives or results, thereby finally losing the trust and respect of his subordinates. The Minister of Navy begged Di Persano to do something and put forward the idea of ​​​​capturing an Austrian island in the Adriatic Sea called Lissa. In his telegram to di Persano he wrote:

“Do you really want to tell the people, the people who in their insane vanity consider their sailors the best in the world, that, despite the 12 million that we have added to their debt, the squadron we have assembled is unable to meet the enemy? We will be stoned. And who ever spoke of the Austrian navy with anything other than contempt? Do something, fight the Austrians, land on their shores, attack Lissa, just do it.”

Di Persano immediately requested at least 5,000 soldiers to carry out the landing. The Minister of Naval Affairs, like all officers, understood the admiral’s incapacity, but there was practically no one to replace him, since the choice of any other officer would actually split the Sardino-Neapolitan, and not the Italian, fleet. The recent unification had not yet resulted in the formation of a single nation, and hot-tempered Italian officers from north and south refused to obey each other. So, no one was satisfied with di Persano, who turned out to be almost an ideal figure.

While the Italian government made every effort to use its fleet and fulfilled the slightest whims of di Persano, Tegetthoff practically single-handedly fought for the very idea of ​​\u200b\u200busing the fleet in hostilities. In March 1866, on the eve of the war, the leadership of the country's armed forces wanted to get rid of Tegetthof, who was annoying with his constant troubles and requests. He was offered a long expedition to the Far East. Only in May, the admiral’s vigorous activity, with limited - mainly moral - support from Archduke Albert, led to the creation of a squadron, which at that time included only five completed battleships. Since the usual base in Venice was under threat of capture, the most strategically convenient raid of Fasano near the city of Pola was chosen to deploy the ships. This was followed by general intense work to bring the fleet to combat readiness, directed by the tireless energy of Admiral Tegetthoff. The squadron was replenished with two new battleships, an old steam battleship and a frigate restored after a fire. Using the experience of the American Civil War, the Austrians reinforced the sides of their wooden ships with iron chains and scraps of forged rails. Realizing the weakness of their outdated smoothbore artillery, the main emphasis was placed on maneuvering for the purpose of ramming and concentrating the fire of several ships on one target. There were even night exercises.

On July 16, 1866, the Italian fleet consisting of 11 battleships, 6 screw frigates and corvettes, as well as 7 steamships with a landing party left Ancona towards the island of Lissa. The island is 16 kilometers long, 6 kilometers wide, the coast is rocky and steep, the population is about 5,000 people, the main harbor and port is San Giorgio. During the Napoleonic Wars, the island was captured by Great Britain and fortified. After the transition to Austrian rule in 1815, the fortifications were strengthened and new ones were built. On the island there was an Austrian garrison of 1833 people with 88 guns, mostly outdated small-caliber smooth-bore ones. A telegraph cable was laid between mainland Austria and the island, through which the garrison managed to warn Tegetthof of the approach of the Italians before the latter managed to cut it. Since the Italians did not have a map of the island, some time was spent on reconnaissance and drawing up a diagram of the location of the batteries.

On July 18, eight of the strongest Italian battleships began bombarding the fortifications of Lissa. Two batteries were destroyed, and Fort George, which protected the entrance to San Giorgio harbor, was badly damaged. Two armored frigates entered the harbor, but, caught in the crossfire of coastal batteries, were forced to withdraw. According to di Persano's plan, Italian soldiers were supposed to land on the eastern side of the island during the bombardment, but this never happened - as the Italians assured, due to the heavy fire of the Austrian battery located on the hill. By evening, all the Italian ships gathered together again, having achieved almost nothing during the day. The commanders of individual detachments had their own opinion on any issue and ignored the orders of Admiral di Persano. During the night, the Austrians partially restored the destroyed fortifications and prepared to repel the attack once again.

On July 19, the Italians again repeated their attempt to suppress the coastal batteries, but were again repulsed by the Austrians. In the second half, the Italian squadron was replenished with the battleship Affondatore and two steam frigates. After the next bombardment, only eight guns remained on the island, however, the Italian battleships were partially damaged, supplies of coal and shells were greatly reduced, and the crews were depleted. In any case, the position of the island’s defenders was characterized as critical, and there was no hope of holding the island on their own.

On July 20, 1866, the Italian Admiral di Persano had big plans: to suppress the last batteries, land troops, capture the island and prove his own competence to his country.

Battle of Lisse

On July 19, Tegetthof received permission from Vienna to act cautiously, but at his own discretion. The ships were put to sea, and their crews prepared to act according to the detailed instructions of their admiral, the experience of the exercises and their own common sense. Tegetthof's plan was based on simplicity, stemming from the small experience of his fleet. The ships were divided into three detachments: the first detachment of seven ironclads, led by the flagship "Archduke Ferdinand Max" with Tegetthoff himself on board; the second - consisting of a battleship, five frigates and a corvette led by Commodore von Petz; the third is from seven gunboats. All three detachments were lined up in a wedge shape and followed each other, as if forming a triple chevron. The ships were originally built in this order so as not to waste time changing formations when moving from marching order to combat order. The battleships were supposed to break through the line of Italian ships, and then aggressively ram and fire at the enemy battleships with concentrated fire. The second “wedge” was supposed to act against Italian frigates, and in a collision with battleships, also try to ram them. Gunboats were intended to operate on the flanks, firing at enemy ships. The battle was supposed to turn into a dump, in which the Italians' numerical advantage would be reduced to a minimum. Each Austrian captain could act at his own discretion, without waiting for special instructions from the admiral.

On July 20 at 07:00, the Italian messenger ship Esploratore discovered the Austrians heading towards Lissa at a speed of 5 knots. By 10:00, the wind and rain that had been bothering the ships of both sides died down, and the opponents saw each other. By this time, the landing on the island was canceled, and under the command of Persano, eight battleships were assembled in a wake column heading southwest in the following order: Principe di Carignano, Castelfidardo, Ancona under the command of Admiral Vacca; "Re d'Italia", "Palestro", "San Martino", "Re di Portogallo", "Regina Maria Pia" under the command of di Bruno and bringing up the rear of the column, with a significant lag, was the battleship "Varese". Di Persano's desire to switch to moving parallel to the wake column on the inside of the Affondatore led to a gap of approximately 1000 meters between the first and second detachment, and the column stretched 6000 meters instead of the planned 2000.

The battleship Formidabile, due to damage received during the bombing of Lissa, went to Ancona for repairs. “Castelfidardo” and “Re di Portogallo” had problems with steam engines and started moving only at 10 o’clock, having previously moved only in tow. The Italian wooden ships under the command of Admiral Albini remained in the southeast of the tail of the column at a distance of approximately 3000 meters, and did not receive direct orders to participate in the battle. The Italians had no battle plan. Each of the commanders had to rely on signals from the original flagship Re d'Italia. The ship captains did not know that di Persano had switched to Affondatore.

At 10:20 the Italians turned first to the west, and then adjusted their course so as to take a position perpendicular to the Austrian ships. At the same time, the Italians moved closer to Tegetthof and thereby lost the advantage of their numerous rifled artillery.

At 10:43, fire was opened from a distance of 900 meters from the lead Principe di Carignano. At 10:50, Austrian battleships cut off Admiral Vacca's detachment from the main forces. Tegetthof's first line turned out to be starboard to the main group of Italian ships, and left to Vacca's ships. The main body of the Italian column turned to port, attacking the second line of Austrians, consisting of wooden ships, which took turns attacking the end matelots of the Italian column. The result was a scramble in which the ships passed each other, attempting to ram the enemy and avoid doing so themselves, and discharging their guns into the center of an increasing thick cloud formed by both smoke from the smokestacks and gunpowder smoke. The only reference point was the gray hull color of the Italian ships and the black color of the Austrian ships. The Affondatore made two unsuccessful attempts to ram the wooden battleship Kaiser.

At 11:00, defending against the Re di Portogallo, the Kaiser went to ram the Italian battleship. Both ships grappled and exchanged salvos. Passing behind the stern of the Kaiser, the battleship Regina Maria Pia fired a salvo at the wooden battleship and set it on fire, thereby forcing it to leave the general dump and move to the harbor of San Giorgio. Two Austrian gunboats and a frigate covered the retreating battleship from the Affondatore ram with their fire and maneuver. Then the Austrian battleships Juan de Austria and Prinz Eugen arrived. The Affondatore almost point-blank discharged its large-caliber rifled cannons into the side of the Juan, achieving three hits and breaking several armor plates.

At 11:20 the lead detachment of Admiral Vacca turned to the left with the aim of attacking the wooden ships of the Austrians, but was driven away by intense fire from the Austrian frigates Donau, Radetzky and Schwarzenberg. The Austrians, considering the Re d'Italia to be the flagship, concentrated all the efforts of their four battleships to shoot or ram it. The dispersal of the Italian ships allowed the Austrians to achieve a numerical and tactical advantage in the center of the collapsed Italian formation. Twice the Ferdinand Max with Tegetthof on board undertook an attempt to ram the enemy, but poor maneuverability did not allow this to be done.The Italians tried to help the ship, which they, like the Austrians, considered the flagship.

The battleship Palestro maneuvered and fired at the Austrians, thereby distracting the Drache and Ferdinand Max. On the deck of the Palestro, in order to increase the operational range, coal was stacked that did not fit into the coal pits. A bomb hit from the Drache led to its ignition and a fire on the Italian battleship. Another misfortune for the Italian fleet was the destruction, either by accident or by a well-aimed shot, of the Re d'Italia's unprotected rudder, which was above the water and unprotected. The battleship lost the ability to maneuver. According to Lieutenant Enrico Gualterio, who survived his ship, the following happened:

“As for the reason for the death of the ship, I believe the main and only reason is that the rudder was vulnerable and, therefore, could be hit by enemy fire. When we lost control, we were cut off from the rest of the fleet... We tried to give full speed to avoid being hit by a ship that aimed its ram at the center of our hull, but since we received a blow to the bow from another ship, we reversed, trying to continue at least some movement... but it stopped the ship... The ship sank with the flag raised. Officer Rasetti, with a saber in his hands, did not allow the sailors to lower the flag. After the strike, we fired a salvo with our entire side, and the riflemen on the tops opened fire with their weapons. The team began to jump into the sea, without screaming or panicking. When we were already in the water, we became the target of several rifle shots from Austrian gunboats, which killed two sailors and wounded two more.”

The further fate of the Italian ship can be found out from the logbook of the Austrian flagship battleship "Archduke Ferdinand Max":

“The collision with the enemy battleship occurred at 11:30, when we, having developed full speed, rammed a large enemy ship moving across our course, in the area of ​​​​the foremast. The enemy ship immediately capsized and sank a minute and a half after the impact.”

At this time, the Ancona made an unsuccessful attempt to ram the Ferdinand Max, and also fired a blank salvo at point-blank range from all its guns. In the heat of battle, the command to load them with steel shells or bombs was missed, and the Austrian ship did not receive any damage from this salvo.

During the battle, several more clashes occurred between Italian ships, and possibly Austrian ones. Ancona faced Varese and Maria Pia faced San Martino. The collisions led to damage, and even several armor plates on the Varese were displaced.

By 12:10, Admiral Tegetthoff decided to regroup his ships and gave the order to form three wake columns facing northeast. On the outer side, facing the enemy, battleships were lined up, followed by frigates, and gunboats in the third line. Thus, the original division into three detachments was retained. At the same time, the Austrian line covered the entrance to the harbor of San Giorgio. At a distance of about 1800 meters, eight Italian battleships lined up with their heads in the opposite direction, behind which, also in a line, were wooden ships.

Persano assessed the information about the death of the Re d'Italia, the fire on the Palestro and the serious damage to the San Martino and Varese as excluding further battle. The Italian fleet, maintaining formation, began to retreat towards Ancona. At 14:30 " Palestro "as a result of an internal explosion sank with its crew, who were fighting for their ship to the end. Tegetthof intended to catch up with the enemy and continue the battle, but four battleships and two frigates could hardly squeeze out more than 9 knots. The chase in such a situation was pointless, and the Austrians moved to San Giorgio harbor to repair the damage in case the battle continued the next day.

Until 22:30, Persano was near Lissa, and only then his ships headed for Ancona. By 4 o'clock in the morning, after a hard night's work, some damage had been repaired on the battleships of Tegetthof's squadron. On the evening of July 21, the Austrian ships left Lissa and arrived in Pola on July 22, where they were greeted by enthusiastic residents.

Results and consequences of the battle

Since even before the start of the battle, politicians, through the mediation of Napoleon III, agreed that Venice would go to Italy, Austria’s naval victory did not affect the results of the war. One can only note the increase in the international military-technical prestige of Austria, which was expressed in orders from foreign countries for the construction of several battleships at Austrian shipyards.

The immediate and most tragic result of the largest naval battle involving the first ironclad ships was the loss of life on both sides. According to official reports, the Austrian fleet lost 38 people killed and 138 wounded, which can be considered small losses compared to the battles of Admiral Nelson's era. The Italian ships had 620 killed and 161 wounded. Separately, it is worth noting that the two dead battleships accounted for 615 people killed.

The most tangible indicator of the battle, on the basis of which the parties drew conclusions about victory or defeat, was the loss of the Re d'Italia and Palestro by the Italians. Even without this pair of ships, the fleet of the Italian Kingdom remained nominally stronger and, theoretically, could continue the fight for victory after some repairs and the replacement of the admiral with a more capable one. During the battle, with the exception of the lost ships, the remaining battleships did not receive sufficiently serious damage to prevent their further use. On the Regina Maria Pia, one armor plate was broken, and there was damage from a timely extinguishing fire. The battleship San Martino had one hit, penetrating 4-inch armor, but the shell got stuck in the substrate. In addition, the ship caught fire twice, and when it collided with the Maria Pia, the ram was damaged and a leak formed. On the Castelfidardo The captain's cabin was destroyed by a grenade.The Ancona had many displaced armor plates, mainly as a result of collisions with other ships. The Carignano had one armor plate broken. Many armor plates were lost, displaced or pressed into the hull of the Re di Portogallo. The Affondatore sank in the harbor of Ancona upon the return of the Italians to their base - in all likelihood, the hull developed numerous leaks due to shocks received in the battle.

Not a single fire or armor penetration was recorded on the Austrian battleships. The Italians themselves were shocked by such a disastrous result of the battle, in which they had such a significant numerical advantage both in total tonnage and in the number and power of artillery barrels. A special government commission made the right conclusions about the reasons for the defeat: poor training of personnel, lack of leadership of the battle on the part of Persano, passive behavior of detachment commanders (with the exception of Vacca), rivalry among officers. On the other hand, there was the selfless fight of the Palestro crew against the fire and the death of the Re d'Italia with the flag raised.

Tegetthof’s victory was based on correct calculation and enormous work to train officers and crews, raise morale and unite people of different nationalities into one effective fighting machine. Tegetthof compensated for the smaller number of Austrian battleships with a local advantage resulting from the concentration of all forces at one key point in the battle. The weakness of outdated smoothbore artillery was eliminated by short combat distances and reliance on ramming. Correctly assessing his technical weaknesses, the Austrian admiral brilliantly compensated for them with the tactics of using his strengths: coherence, discipline, planning. We can say that the battle took place according to Tegetthof's plan. The Battle of Lissa showed how much depends on the human, moral factor, which was not fully appreciated by the contemporaries of the battle.

Immediately after receiving the message about the victory, Tegetthof was promoted to rank. Subsequently, the very existence of the combat-ready Austrian fleet was built only on his personal authority. The premature death of an outstanding naval commander led to the fact that the country's government soon lost all interest in its naval forces. Di Persano was put on trial, dismissed from service and demoted. Only connections with the royal court of Italy saved him from execution.

The conclusions of contemporaries about the tactics of battle of armored ships generally corresponded to the level of development of technology and tactics of that period. Rifled artillery at combat distances could not be guaranteed to penetrate armor. It was also impossible to organize effective flexible control during a battle at short distances, since gunpowder smoke covered the entire battlefield and did not allow the flagship’s signals to be seen. In such a situation, each ship commander was forced to act at his own discretion, and the battle turned into a dump. In such a situation, a ram became a very effective weapon. However, if until the mid-1870s such conclusions could be used as the basis for military doctrine and shipbuilding practice, then later an increase in the displacement of ships, the widespread use of waterproof bulkheads, improvements in armor and artillery, and a significant increase in the effective combat distance required a revision of battle tactics. But, remaining the last major battle of the ironclads, Lissa gave rise to a general fascination with ramming and ramming tactics. Special maneuverable armored rams were built, and appropriate tactical schemes were worked out during exercises. Only the Battle of Yalu in 1894 returned artillery to the role of the ship's main weapon.

In the middle of the 19th century. In connection with the rapid development of capitalism in Germany, which remained a fragmented country consisting of 38 separate states, there was an urgent need for political unification. The Congress of Vienna of 1814–1815, by which the German Confederation was created, did not unite the individual German principalities and electors either politically or economically.

In 1864, Prussia, in alliance with Austria, declared war on Denmark, as a result of which the original German duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, previously captured by the Kingdom of Denmark, were annexed. Management of these territories under a peace treaty with Denmark was transferred to the allies: Prussia - Schleswig and the port city of Kiel (the future most important naval base of the German fleet on the Baltic Sea), and Austria - Holstein.

However, standing on the path to the unification of Germany was Austria, which at that time occupied a dominant position in the German Confederation and was extremely interested in the fragmentation of Germany. For Prussia, it was obvious that war with Austria could not be avoided and, after the end of hostilities with Denmark, Prussia began to intensively prepare for war with Austria.

The Reich Chancellor of the German Empire, Otto von Bismarck, achieved the neutrality of Russia and France at the beginning of the war with Austria, while concluding a military alliance with the Italian king Victor Emmanuel in the spring of 1866, who hoped to annex the Venetian region, which was in Austrian possession, by armed means and thereby complete the process of political unification Italy, begun in 1859. The reason for the armed conflict between Prussia and Austria was disagreements related to the administration of the occupied duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. The largest German states - Hanover, Baden, Württemberg, Nassau, Saxony, Bavaria, Hesse, Hesse-Darmstadt, who sought to maintain their independence from Prussia - sided with Austria.

Austro-Prussian theater of war.

At the head of the Prussian army was the Chief of the General Staff, General Moltke the Elder. The Prussian armed forces were superior to the Austrian army both in numbers and in combat effectiveness, quality and quantity of weapons.

At the beginning of June 1866, the main forces of the Prussian army - the 1st and 2nd Elb armies - united on the border with Austria and Saxony with troops arriving from Berlin and Poznan. In the west, Prussia advanced the Main Army together with a corps located in Schleswig. The ultimate goal of the Prussian leadership was the defeat of the troops of Austria's allies for the security of its rear, unimpeded communication between East and West Prussia and the subsequent capture of Vienna.

The Austrian army was commanded by General Benedek. In the Austro-Prussian theater of operations, Austria concentrated its land army in Moravia (Czech Republic) near Olomouc. The Austrians' strategic plan was defensive in nature, but with a favorable development of military operations it was planned to go on the offensive.

On June 7, 1866, the Prussian corps invaded Holstein from Schleswig, which did not have a common border with Austria, and by June 12 occupied the duchy. Following this, Prussia declared war on Saxony, Hanover and Kurgessen and began military operations. Prussian troops occupied Hanover and Kassel. Hanoverian troops retreated to Langensalza, hoping to join forces with Austria's allies. On June 18, the Prussian Army of the Elbe invaded Saxony and entered Dresden. Saxon troops retreated to the Czech Republic.

On June 21, Prussia declared war on Austria and moved into the Czech Republic. Austrian troops tried to delay the enemy's advance, but were driven back to Sadowa. On July 3, the general battle of Sadovo took place, in which Prussian troops inflicted a major defeat on the Austrian army. The remnants of the Austrian army retreated beyond the Elbe, the main forces to Olomouc, and the rest retreated to Vienna. The Austrians miscalculated Prussia's plans, assuming that the main forces of the Prussian army would move to Olomouc, but Moltke gave a decisive order to go to Vienna, sending only the 2nd Elbe Army to Olomouc to cover the main forces. The Austrians had to urgently transfer troops from Olomouc and almost the entire southern army from Venice to the capital.

The help of the Allied forces could not be counted on, since they suffered one defeat after another from the Prussian Main Army, which was joined by detachments from Berlin and Magdeburg. The Hanoverian Corps capitulated at Langesalza on June 29. The Main army launched an attack on Bavaria, but received orders from Berlin to occupy the lands north of the Main and capture Frankfurt, where the Hessian troops were located, who retreated to Würzburg and united with the Bavarians, but at the end of July withdrew across the Main and did not take further military action. Thus, the position of Austria by this time had become very difficult, despite the successes in the war with Italy.

Austro-Italian theater of war.

The opponents intended to conduct military operations both in the Adriatic Sea, where the Italian and Austrian fleets were concentrated, and on land. The Italian fleet was commanded by Admiral Persano, and the Austrian fleet was commanded by Rear Admiral Tegetthof. The command of the Italian fleet set the task of defeating the enemy fleet and taking control of the Adriatic Sea. The Austrians intended to assist the southern army from the sea and prevent the Italian fleet from reaching the Austrian coast. The fleet of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who stood at the head of all Italian armed forces, was more modern and numerous, but the combat training of the Austrians was at a higher level.

Italy declared war on Austria on June 20, 1866 and launched an attack on Venice, but Italian troops were defeated at the Battle of Custozza by the southern Austrian army. Taking advantage of the withdrawal of parts of the southern Austrian army to Vienna in July, Italian troops again advanced to Venice, and Garibaldi's cavalry corps occupied the Tyrol and began to advance on Trento (Trient).

Meanwhile, the Austrian squadron twice (June 26 and July 6) approached the main base of the Italian fleet - Ancona, trying to force the Italian fleet to fight on the high seas, but Admiral Persano avoided meeting the enemy. After persistent demands from the Italian government, Persano's squadron on July 16 headed for the island of Lissa (Vis), well fortified by the Austrians. According to the plan of the Italian admiral, it was planned to attack the island from three sides and land troops to completely capture it. However, the garrison of the island of Lissa managed to telegraph (the telegraph cable was later cut by the Italians) to the Austrian squadron about the appearance of an enemy fleet near the island. On July 20, 1866, an Austrian squadron led by Rear Admiral Tegetthof, which came to the aid of the Lys garrison, attacked the Italian fleet and drove it away from the island. But, despite the death of two battleships, the Italians still maintained numerical superiority. However, Admiral Persano did not dare to continue the battle, because the squadron's personnel were disorganized, and supplies of coal and shells were depleted. In turn, Tegetkhov, given the advantage in enemy forces, also did not risk resuming hostilities. With the onset of darkness, the Italian squadron went to Ancona, and the Austrian one - first to the island of Lissa, and then to Fasana.

Results of the Austro-Prussian and Austro-Italian wars of 1866.

On August 23, 1866, a peace treaty was concluded between Prussia and Austria, according to which the German Confederation, led by Austria, ceased to exist. Hanover, Nassau, Frankfurt, Kurgessen, Schleswig and Holstein were included in the Prussian state.

In 1867, the North German Confederation was created, which included 22 German states located north of the Main River under the hegemony of the Prussian king, who became the head of the union and all its armed forces.

On October 3, 1866, Austria signed a peace treaty with Italy in Vienna, according to which Venice joined the Kingdom of Italy.

The victory of Prussia in the war with Austria had important political significance - the main opponent of the unification of Germany, Austria, was eliminated. Prussia established hegemony in Germany and expanded its possessions, connecting its eastern and western territories. Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden and Hesse-Darmstadt had not entered the alliance by that time, but had concluded a secret treaty with Prussia directed against France. Their armed forces were placed under the control of the Prussian king.

The Austro-Prussian-Italian War of 1866, in the history of Germany is also known as the German War and the Seven Weeks War, in Italy it is known as the Third War of Italian Independence - a military conflict between Prussia and Italy with the Austrian Empire for hegemony in Germany and control over the Venetian region, which predetermined the Little German path of unification of Germany and the completion of the war for the independence of Italy and its unification around the Kingdom of Sardinia.

The war involved two coalitions, led by both German great powers, Austria and Prussia, respectively. On the side of Austria were Bavaria, Saxony, the Grand Duchy of Baden, Württemberg and Hanover, on the side of Prussia - Italy. In addition, each of the opponents was able to attract several insignificant German states to their side. A total of 29 states directly participated in this war, of which 13 were on the side of Austria and 16 on the side of Prussia.

The war lasted for seven weeks (June 17 - July 26, 1866). Austria was forced to fight on two fronts. Its technological backwardness and political isolation since 1856 led to its defeat. According to the Prague Peace Treaty, concluded on August 23, Austria transferred Holstein to Prussia and left the German Confederation. Italy got the Venetian region. The political result of the war of 1866 was the final refusal of Austria to unite the German states under its leadership and the transition of hegemony in Germany to Prussia, which headed the North German Confederation - a new confederal state entity.

The state of the Austrian armed forces at the beginning of the Austro-Prussian-Italian War

Army

As a result of Italy's gathering of troops from the southern part of the Apennine Peninsula and Sicily, on April 21, 1866, Austria began the partial mobilization of three corps of the Southern Army. In order to force Austria to expand mobilization, Bismarck brought to its attention the outline of the campaign plan made by H. Moltke during the winter of 1865/66. This sketch did not at all correspond to the political conditions of 1866: the internal situation of Prussia was extremely doubtful, an insidious surprise attack, contrary to all norms of international law, could lead not to mobilization, but to a revolution against the unpopular government of O. Bismarck. The latter had to prepare the war gradually, shifting the initiative for armaments to Austria. For this last purpose, the thoughts of H. Moltke’s sketch were extremely suitable. As soon as rumors of a possible surprise attack by the Prussians reached Vienna, in the first half of March a marshal's council was assembled there - a meeting of representatives of the highest military authority in the center, reinforced by corps commanders and outstanding generals invited from the provinces. The Marshall Council began discussing the campaign plan and decided first of all to strengthen the I Corps located in Bohemia by 6,700 people in order to bring it to its full peaceful strength. In order to hide the new measures that the army was forced to take, the Austrian censorship forbade newspapers to print any information about the movements of troops or the strengthening of their composition. O. Bismarck also took advantage of this circumstance, inviting the Prussian press to publish verified data on changes in the deployment and composition of Prussian troops and casting the shadow of secret preparations for war on Austria. On April 27, Austria announced general mobilization.

Austria, thanks to the time given to it, was able to mobilize a field army equal to the Prussian one; but behind it there were only very weak second-line formations, distracted, moreover, by the protection of internal security. During the war, it was possible to form only an insignificant number of reserve battalions, and even replenishment in the event of losses of first-line troops was delayed for a long time. The militia was not trained and had no equipment, and could only be used in Tyrol, against the Italians. The main forces of Austria immediately made their debut on the battlefields.

The only achievement of Austrian policy was to attract to its side most of the states of the German Union, frightened by the Bismarck program, which deprived them of sovereignty. These German allies of Austria had an army, according to wartime states, of 142,000 people. However, while Italy, Austria and Prussia began armament in April, the troops of Austria's German allies remained unmobilized.

The wisdom of Moltke's operational deployment is most clearly outlined when compared with the Austrian deployment, based on opposing views. The Chief of the Austrian General Staff, Baron Genikstein, a wealthy socialite, thought least of all about questions of strategy and operational art. Archduke Albrecht, the son of Napoleon's famous rival, Archduke Charles, the most prominent candidate among the members of the dynasty for command of the troops, hastened to settle on a calm Italian front under the pretext that the reputation of the dynasty could not be jeopardized by defeat.

The commander-in-chief of the Bohemian theater was, against his wishes, General Benedek, an excellent combat commander who commanded the Italian army in peacetime, an expert on Lombardy, completely unprepared for leading large masses, unfamiliar with the conditions of the Austro-Prussian front; at the same time, Archduke Albrecht did not allow Benedek to capture his chief of staff, General Jon, the most capable Austrian general staff officer to understand major issues.

When, in view of the threat of war, in March 1866, a plan of operations against Prussia was demanded from the chief of the Austrian general staff, Baron Genikstein, the latter suggested that Colonel Neuber, professor of strategy at the military academy, draw up one. The latter stated that for this work he needed data on the mobilization readiness of the Austrian army. The War Office provided Neuber with an extremely pessimistic assessment of the state of the Austrian troops; only after several months could the army become fully combat-ready. Therefore, Neuber advocated that before the start of operations, the Austrian army should be assembled in a defensive position near the Olmutz fortress and enter Bohemia, threatened by the Prussians on both sides, only after acquiring sufficient combat capability.

Then, under the patronage of Archduke Albrecht, Neuber's predecessor in the department of strategy, General Krismanich, was appointed head of the operational office of the Bohemian Army. The latter was an expert on the Seven Years' War and believed that in a hundred years the picture of the operations of Daun and Lassi against Frederick the Great would repeat itself. Krismanich edited the military-geographical description of Bohemia and studied all kinds of positions that were available in the Bohemian theater. Krismanich retained Neuber's idea of ​​a preliminary concentration of the Austrians in a fortified camp at Olmütz, with the exception of the Bohemian I Corps, which remained in the vanguard in Bohemia to absorb the Saxon retreat. All 8 buildings, 3 cavalry. the divisions and artillery reserve intended to operate in Bohemia were to represent one army. Krismanic refused to advance into Silesia, since in this direction he did not see any advantageous “positions” for battle. Ignoring the railways, Krismanich expected the concentration of all Prussian forces in Silesia and their direct movement towards Vienna. As a separate option, the movement of the Austrian army along three roads from Olmutz to the area of ​​the right bank of the Elbe was developed.

In Austria at that time, secret maps were still published with black semicircles underlined on them - “positions”. Krismanich's plan was a mishmash of memories of the struggle with Frederick the Great, several principles of Napoleonic military art, several principles of Clausewitz (Austria pursues a negative political goal, why should it conduct defensive actions accordingly) and a detailed taxation of all kinds of defensive lines, boundaries and positions. His plan had an impressive volume, was difficult to read, and was reported by Krismanich with unusual self-confidence; Krismanich impressed with his optimism and professorial categorical judgment. It is not surprising that the poorly educated Austrian generals were suppressed by the confidence and learning that Krismanich developed - generally a lazy, superficial and limited person; but it is a mystery to us how Krismanich’s plan could be considered exemplary even 40 years later in strategy textbooks.

Undoubtedly, if the Austrians had divided their forces into two armies and chosen to concentrate them in two different areas, such as Prague and Olmutz, they could have made much better use of the railways, completed deployment sooner, would not have subjected the troops to hardship and would have retained much greater capacity to maneuver. But for this they needed to take the step forward in the art of war that Moltke took and which remained incomprehensible to theorists for decades.

Fleet

The new Austrian fleet was created in 1848-49, during the war with Piedmont, during which many naval officers of the Austrian fleet, Italians by origin, defected to the enemy. In order to form a new one from the remnants of the old fleet, on a new basis, a Dane, Count Hans Birk von Daglerup, was invited. The new principle of manning the fleet reflected the interests of the Austrian Empire. The “Venetian legacy” worried the Austrians, who feared a new manifestation of sympathy for Piedmont, which led the movement for the unification of Italy.

Daglerup's attempt to achieve greater independence for the navy and the minister of navy failed, since the fundamental principle in Austria was precisely the dependence of the armed forces on the emperor, his military chancellery, and administration. However, he managed to introduce German as the main language, strict discipline, and replace many Venetian officers with Austrians, Germans, and even Scandinavians. Another important measure taken by Daglerup was the transfer of the fleet base from Venice to Pola.

However, the founder of Austrian naval power is considered to be Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, who became commander-in-chief of the Austrian fleet in 1854. At first he wanted to create a fleet, the core of which would be “half a dozen wooden ships of the line,” but when Italy ordered the construction of ironclads, he abandoned this idea. He believed that Austria had enough of a fleet consisting of second-rate ships, and engaged only in defense, contrasting this with the idea of ​​​​creating a fleet at least as strong as the Italian one. Eventually, after the Hampton Raid, the idea of ​​creating an armored fleet was accepted in Austria. Until 1862, when Daglerup left his post, he studied the organization of the British fleet, and sought to strengthen the organization of the Austrian fleet. Thanks to him - as well as the powerful shipbuilding industry concentrated in Venice, Trieste and Pola - in 1866 the fleet had 7 battleships built exclusively in Austria.

At the end of April 1866, Austria began to prepare for a possible war against Prussia and Italy, which also affected the fleet. His main rival was supposed to be the Italian fleet - since the Prussian fleet was both small and located too far away. The appointment of V.F. Tegetgoff to the post of fleet commander in May 1866 was a very important event. He was popular in the navy - especially after the Battle of Heligoland, and this popularity influenced both the morale of the sailors and the combat effectiveness of the ships. The shipyards had to ensure the readiness of the ships as soon as possible; the battleships Erzherzog Ferdinand Max and Habsburg, built in Trieste, were commissioned ahead of schedule. This allowed the installation of guns and the combat effectiveness of the ships on June 21 and 27, respectively. The old wooden battleship Kaiser, which was undergoing repairs, was also ready for battle on 25 June. Finally, another old warship Novara, damaged by a fire possibly caused by sabotage on May 3rd, joined the fleet anchored in the Pheasant Channel - north of Pola - on July 4th.

V. F. Tegetgoff, being subordinate to the commander of the Southern Army, Archduke A. F. Rudolf, received orders to support land operations from the sea. At the beginning of the war, the Austrian fleet had five battery battleships - Drach, Salamander, Prinz Eugen, Kaiser Max, Don Juan de Austria - the other two entered service after the start of the war. In addition, there were seven more unarmored ships and seven gunboats. The protection of the weakest ships in the fleet - the wooden ones - was strengthened by iron chains, in the spirit of those used in the American Civil War, which covered the boilers and cannons. Their hulls were also reinforced along the waterline. Novara also received protection from pieces of rails. The lack of coal did not prevent the Austrians from conducting exercises on the high seas, although they had to move at night only under sail, and during the day, under steam, develop a speed of no more than five and a half knots. Basically, the exercises consisted of firing volleys at targets, maneuvering and ramming strikes. Concentrating the fire of several not very powerfully armed Austrian ships on one target made it possible to increase the effectiveness of shooting.

The state of the Prussian armed forces at the beginning of the Austro-Prussian-Italian War

Army

Due to the territorial system of mobilization, Prussia had a gain of several weeks in terms of mobilization compared to Austria, in which the regiments were located, for reasons of internal politics, possibly far from the territory of their constituent nationality. Therefore, Austria, even though it did not want to enter the war, was forced to begin mobilization measures in advance. The Prussian press greatly inflated the strengthening of Austrian troops in Bohemia; On March 28, Prussia began to strengthen the available strength of the battalions of 5 divisions located near the Saxon and Austrian borders, from 530 people to 685 people. This was followed by the purchase of horses for field artillery. After the start of general mobilization in Austria, the Prussian king still resisted the mobilization of the Prussian army. Only successively, on May 3, 5 and 12, Moltke and Bismarck wrested from him decrees on mobilization, which in three steps covered the entire Prussian army.

H. Moltke proposed giving the future war a clearly offensive character, starting military operations without the slightest diplomatic warning, taking advantage of the complete military unpreparedness of Prussia’s opponents. In the midst of deep peace, unmobilized Prussian troops were to break into the allied fortress of Mainz and disarm the Austrian and allied troops garrisoning it. At the same time, on the very first day of mobilization, Prussian troops were supposed to invade Saxony from different sides, take the non-mobilized Saxon troops by surprise in their barracks and, only after finishing with them, begin mobilization; having finished the last, two armies - 193,000 and 54,000 people. - were to invade Bohemia and defeat the Austrian army before it could even assemble.

Throughout the war, the Prussians mobilized 664 thousand people. All units of the standing army received combat assignment to the front; In addition, of the 116 Landwehr battalions (1002 people each), which formed the garrison of the fortresses, 30 battalions were recruited for secondary active operations. For each field three-battalion regiment, a fourth reserve battalion of 800 people was formed, half from recruits, half from reserves who had already received military training. A total of 129 reserve battalions were formed, of which 48 battalions were involved in service in secondary theaters. From the Landwehr and reserve battalions, in addition to the existing army corps, 2 reserve corps were formed. Only a truce prevented them from entering the battle. Thus, behind the 334,000-strong Prussian field army there were over 300,000 second-line troops.

Fleet

However, at least in the 1860s, armor manufacturers managed to maintain their brand, and ironclads remained relatively vulnerable to armor-piercing and explosive shells. K. I. Hamilton. At the beginning of the Danish War of 1864, the Prussian navy had only two ships with experienced crews - the Arcona and the 19-gun corvette Nymphe, partially manned by sailors from the Niobe. withdrawn from the fleet. This detachment was commanded by Captain Edward von Jachmann, who held his flag on the 30-gun steam frigate Arkona, capable of speeds of up to 12 knots.

During the armistice, the Prussians purchased several ships being built for the Confederacy. These were the “Prinz Adalbert” (German: Prinz Adalbert) - an armored ram, the same type as the “Stonewall”, and two steam corvettes - “Augusta” (German: Augusta) - the former “Mississippi”, and “Victoria” (German: Victoria) - former "Louisiana".

After the end of the truce in the Baltic, another battle took place - on July 23 at Hiddensee. In general, the war in the Baltic was over, and the Prussian fleet could quite rightly be proud of how it conducted the war

The state of the Italian armed forces at the beginning of the Austro-Prussian-Italian War

Army

To influence Austria, O. Bismarck used Italy, which in advance began to strengthen its army, in which, for economic reasons, in 1865 the next generation of contingent was not called up at all, and to gather troops from the southern part of the peninsula and Sicily. Italy fielded 165 thousand field troops. The Prussian military commissioner, General Bernhardi, and the Prussian envoy persuaded the Italian command to energetically begin operations: to transport the bulk of the troops across the lower reaches of the river. Po and push it to Padua, into the deep rear of the Austrian army concentrated in the quadrangle of fortresses (Mantua, Peschiera, Verona, Legnago), which would lead to a battle with an inverted front; then launch an energetic offensive into the interior of Austria - towards Vienna; transfer Garibaldi and his volunteers across the Adriatic Sea to support the Hungarian uprising; to take part through emigration in its organization and thus “deal a blow to the heart of the Austrian power.” Of course, Italy, whose interests were secured even before the outbreak of hostilities, was not inclined to follow this advice, and the Austrians could have limited themselves to a minimum of forces on the Italian front from the very beginning of the war; however, the strategy did not take full advantage of Austria's political retreat towards Italy.

Fleet

The Italians have always been a seafaring nation, with a past marked by glorious achievements. But almost all of their ships had just entered service, most of the guns had been installed on the ships only recently, and neither the officers nor the sailors were sufficiently trained in handling them. The squadrons, formidable in composition, did not receive appropriate tactical training in peacetime. In addition, the fleet suffered from contradictions and jealousies between officers, stemming from the recent merger of two groups - the officers of Sardinia and Naples. There was not enough time for this merger to become complete... Courage alone was not enough. It required a lot of administrative work, the ability of commanders to lead people, and training. G. W. Wilson

When war was inevitable, the Italian Minister of the Navy ordered the formation of an active fleet of 31 ships on May 3, 1866, which were to be selected from 69 steamships and 75 sailing ships, many of which were unable to participate in hostilities.

This fleet was supposed to be fully equipped with people, weapons and equipment by June 20 - the day war was declared. By this date, 29 ships were ready - although not everything planned was completed, especially with regard to the guns. It should be noted that the Minister of the Navy ordered the replacement of unfastened (so-called “fastened with hoops”) rifled 160-mm guns with rifled guns of the same caliber, but fastened with rings, thus strengthening the armament of the battleships. The alterations were carried out in Taranto, from where the fleet left on June 21 - a day after the declaration of war - to Ancona, located on the Adriatic coast. Due to the fact that several slow-moving ships were included in the squadron, and the squadron speed did not exceed 4-5 knots, they reached Ancona only on June 25. Here the squadron stopped to await supplies and new orders.

Here the fleet was fully equipped before the battle - "all, with a few exceptions - affecting only the weakest - the ships received artillery prescribed by the Ministry." This report also noted that "all alterations on the ships at Ancona were completed by 20 June, and the artillery had been replaced on all but one ship by the time the Austrian commander appeared before Ancona on 27 August." When this happened, the Principe di Carignano, on which eight guns were replaced by guns from the armored corvette Terribile, delayed a little, and moved towards the enemy.

The Italian squadron was commanded by Admiral Carlo Pellion di Persano, born on March 11, 1806 in Vercelli. He distinguished himself by commanding one of the ships at Tripoli in 1825, but was later court-martialed for recklessness. From March 3, 1862, he was Minister of the Navy. When he was appointed commander-in-chief of the Armata di Operazione on May 3, 1866, he was already 60 years old and apparently too old for this appointment. In any case, he was no longer a hot-headed and reckless commander. In 1862, he made perhaps the most important change in Italian shipbuilding policy, abandoning the construction of wooden ships, supported by Minister Urbano Ratazzi, in favor of building ironclads. In addition, in order to nullify the rivalry between Sardinian and Neapolitan officers that existed in the united fleet, he planned to establish the Royal Academy, which would turn them into Italian officers. During these years, the Italian fleet had just turned to armor. In June 1862, he declared before the Italian Parliament, “recent events in the American war have shown that the importance of wooden ships is reduced to a minimum by the undeniable superiority of ironclads, even one of which can sink a whole fleet of wooden ships with its ram.”

Although Persano showed himself to be a good politician and organizer who introduced undoubted improvements in the fleet, he completely failed as a fleet commander. On July 20, his squadron consisted of 56 ships. Of these, Persano could rely on 11 ironclads - with the twelfth joining them a few hours before the battle. It was the Affondatore, which arrived in almost finished condition from its place of construction - Millwall on the Thames. It was a unique seaworthy turret battleship with a 26-foot ram.

Two other ironclads, the 1st class frigates Re di Portogallo and Re d'Italia, armed with pole mines, were built by Webb in New York during the Civil War. All the others, with the exception of the second-class frigate Principe di Carignano, were built in French shipyards. These were the second-class frigates Maria Pia, Ancona, Castelfidardo, and San Martino, and the armored corvettes Terribile and Formidabile. (Formidabile), and the armored gunboats Varese and Palestro. Re d'Italia became the first battleship to cross the Atlantic alone in March 1864.

Vice-Admiral Battista Giovanni Albini, count Sarda, who commanded the wooden ships, flew his flag on the Maria Adelaide. The rest of his ships were the first class steam frigates Duca di Genova, Vittorio Emanuele, Gaeta, Principe Umberto, Carlo Alberto ), Garibaldi, and the corvettes Principessa Clotilde, Etna, San Giovanni and Guisardo. The third detachment consisted of four gunboats, each armed with four rifled 12-cm cannons. They were commanded by Captain First Rank Antonio Sandri.

According to Persano's critics, he did not conduct targeted exercises, which were the norm for the Austrians, who constantly trained their artillerymen. Moreover, the naval department of the Italian War Ministry found it possible to provide ammunition specifically for artillery exercises.